Review by: Joar De Lima Concha, IV-18 BSE History
This
book presents different essays about challenges to Philippine democracy and
development in terms of socio-economic inequalities and social injustices.
Theoretical approaches and conceptual approaches are being employed by various
authors in various chapters to establish connections among each essay.
CHAPTER
1: Philippine Social Movements before Martial Law
In
this chapter, the author showed how the social movement had evolved before the
Period of Martial Law happened. It started during the Spanish colonial period
was generally brought about by socioeconomic inequalities and social injustice
that pervaded the society. Afterwards, Social movements initially found
expression through priest-led revolts and millenarian movements. During the
American period, one witnessed the rise of socialist / communist movements. In
1960, social movements had found also an expression through the nationalist
movement
CHAPTER
2: Philippine Social Movements during Martial Law
Socialist
/ communist movements during the period of Martial Law remained dominant and
they continued to frame their issued within the context of socioeconomic
inequalities and social-justice. If we look at its difference before the
martial law, the pre-martial law was dominated by the Communist Party of the
Philippines, while during martial law was dominated by the
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist line.
The
main focus of this chapter is how social movements challenged the repression of
the martial law regime and its failure to deliver on its economic promises.
Further, the issue of ethnicity and identity among Moro National Liberation
Front (MNLF) and the Cordillera People’s Resistance was also addressed in the
framing process of the social movements. This includes military and economic
incursion.
CHAPTER
3: Philippine Social Movements after Martial Law
After
the martial law, the role of social movements in confronting the problems of
socioeconomic equality and social injustice in the transition to democracy was
examined. Although the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) continues to
exist and frame its issue on class and strategy, other vision emerged
particularly with the split in the communist movement. The framing of their
concerns took into consideration not only for “class politics” but also “new
politics” with emphasis on non-class based issues. Moreover, people
empowerment was also used in framing issues.
CHAPTER
4: Religion, Church, and Politics in the Philippines
Religion
and church are the formidable socio-cultural and the political forces in
Philippine society and politics. From its history, we can see that it has a
major influence and participation in the process of state formation, democracy
and development in the country.
Further,
the author brings out the dynamics of political socialization, mobilization,
and participation of churches and religious groups in different periods of the
Philippine history. It is evident in the process of state formation,
democratization, revolution, and regime change.
CHAPTER
5: Islamic Nationalism and Philippine Politics
Anchoring
the concept of the “Islamic Nationalism”, the author presents the major
postulates of nationalism in Moro Society by underscoring the notion of
quasi-ideological divide in Islam that helps explain the varying ways on how
nationalism are appropriated in the Muslim world. The variation is made to
relate with the major frameworks of Moro nationalism and how the attendant
contestation with Filipino nationalism and other identity formation provokes
new thought on traditional discourse of identity and politics
Further,
in this chapter, the author appraised the nationalism among Moros. In which
they are considered as historical people of various ethnolinguistic groupings
in southern Philippines. As nationalism is currently subjected to debate n the
Islamic world, the chapter provides an apt theoretical foundation that
underscores the major perspectives of Islam on nation-states, nationalism, and
nation building. It also delineates the major frameworks of Moro nationalism
and explains the politics among major identity formations, particularly between
majority Filipinos and minority Moros.
CHAPTER
6: Indigenous Peoples in Politics and Governance
Indigenous
communities are people having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and
pre-colonial societies that developed on their own territories, and consider
themselves distinct from other sectors of societies prevailing on those
territories. In the Philippines where 18 percent of the national population
comprises of the indigenous people, before they were actually called the
Indigenous people they were called the “ethnic minority” or “tribal Filipinos”.
On the other hand, it is good to note that the transition form the reference to
“minorities”, and “tribal” had been emerged to cultural communities and
people.
In
this chapter, the author brings out the role of the indigenous people (IP) in
governance and politics in the Philippines. Their role and participation in
Philippine governance can be seen in the mode of social movement and political
participation.
Moreover,
the issue of the land is the core among Indigenous People in the Philippines
where in the Regalian Doctrine and the consequence of Torrens land titling
system have effectively ejected by indigenous peoples who claim to land is
based on ancestral law. The gains and setbacks of IP’s movement in the Philippines
can be understood in terms of the shifting political opportunity structures in
Philippine politics.
CHAPTER
7: The Philippine Peace Process
The
author in this chapter describes the nature and elements of the Philippine
peace process by undertaking a review and analysis on trends on the aspects of
Philippine peace process, namely the Civil Society Peace Building and political
negotiations between the Philippine government and the different rebel groups.
Further,
the author presented the contributions made by civil society organizations in
building in the Philippines by identifying the agreement made in the political
negotiations with the different armed groups, and providing a preliminary
analysis on the outcomes of civil society peace building and political
negotiations.
CHAPTER
8: Media and Philippine Politics
In
this chapter, the author examines the role of the media in the Philippine
politics and why they cannot be regarded as neutral in the Philippine political
setting. This reality arises from the elite / owner-dependent existence and
business-oriented nature. Although, some say that Philippine media are still
the freest in the Asia, but to describe them full as the fourth and independent
estate is questionable. The author also examines the press ownership shows that
media have not been independent.
Further,
this chapter also attempted to classify major newspapers in terms of Teodoro’s
mainstream or alternative categorization to highlight their role in either
strengthening the status quo or facilitating growth of democracy during the
different significant periods of Philippine political history.
CHAPTER
9: Media and Philippine Politics
The
author examines the politics of the middle classes in the Philippines, focusing
on the postwar period up to the end of the Estrada administration. Clarifying
the contested concept of the middle classes within the nuances and relational
frameworks of classes, this study traces the historical and sociological bases
of emergence of middle classes in Philippine society.
Meaning,
the middle class played important roles in two most recent historic episodes of
mass political struggles in the country; the fall of the Marcos dictatorship in
1986 and the ouster of Estrada in 2001. With the special skills and training, a
sharpened sense of modernity and the particular political opportunities opened
up during these conjunctural struggles, the middle classes assumed leadership
roles in various organizations and movements. Their participation, however, was
articulated and pursued through different political idioms and political
alliances, dramatizing the many contradictory aspects of their social,
economic, and political embeddedness.
CHAPTER
10: Women and Politics in the Philippines
The
achievements of Philippine women, groups, and movements are widely recognized.
Throughout history, various women’s groups have done a great deal in empowering
women and attaining gender equality. They have developed legislations,
institutions and structures to increase the women have made in the
male-dominated field of politics, challenges persist. Significant political
reforms are necessary to free women from marginalization, subordination,
stereotyping, and violence. More importantly, obstacles that hinder women
particularly those from the lower groups from exercising their right to
political participation must be addressed. At present, women in politics
consist mainly of those from political families, the educated and the middle
class.
While
in the statistics presented in this chapter indicates in the increasing role of
women in politics, what is not indicated is the quality of the women’s
participation in politics and governance. For example, while there are more
women in bureaucracy, it can be observed that women tend to occupy second-level
positions. The key managerial and executive positions are still dominated by
men. Furthermore, as already said, the percentage of women in government both
at the national and local levels has not reached the critical mass.
In
the context of the Philippine politics, women have not traditionally been
holders of power. Although steps towards women empowerment have been taken how
far these would go depends largely on the will of those who hold power, the
support of the people, and the conscious effort of women to work for the
achievement of political, economic, and social equality.
CHAPTER
11: The Environmental Movement and Political Politics
The
chapter discusses concepts such as environment, the relationship between the
environment and human beings, sustainable development, and the environmental
movement. It also provides a brief description of the current state of the
Philippine environment, focusing on the state of environmental crisis that is
presently being experienced in the country.
Meaning,
there are two important challenges confront Philippine society in general and
the environment movement in particular. The first is to address the link
between political power and resources exploitation, which is often the source
of environmental degradation and environmental conflicts. Experiences in
natural resource management have shown that the involvement of communities as
stakeholders promotes environmental protection and their economic conditions.
The second challenges are how to reach a balance between the achievement of
economic development and environmental protection. To date, the question of how
the goals of sustainable development can be realized remains largely
unanswered.
CHAPTER
12: Cooperative as a Vehicle for Empowerment, Development, and Democratization
Cooperatives
could be a means to uplift the lives of the farmers not only economically but
also politically. As a vehicle, the government and NGOs / Pos have used the
cooperative as a means to create a source of livelihood for the farmers and a
source by which to channel resources into the countryside with the major
objective of alleviating poverty. And because of the very nature of cooperative
that is based on participation of its members –not only in the decision-making
process but also in the implementation of its livelihood projects –the
organization is as viewed as an important source of popular empowerment.
The
members, in particular, can exercise control over production and increase their
market bargaining leverage. Furthermore, as the experiences of the PLF-TILCO
and CFPI-assisted cooperatives show, the cooperative is also a potent force in
organizing farmers to address other issues affecting them, such as the advocacy
for more government support for rural development and the effective implementation
of the state’s agrarian reform program as well as the fight against land
usurpation.
At
the micro-level, the success of the cooperative may very well spell the end of
the major agricultural nemesis of the farmers. By achieving this, cooperatives
will inevitably help facilitate the democratization process in the country as
it nurtures the economic well-being of their member, providing them with an
instrument to go against any political or economic structures that threatens
their viability.
The
fact that the numbers of cooperatives has been increasing through the years, it
could be a proof that such obstacles have not kept Filipino farmers from
viewing the cooperative not as a shibboleth but as a weapon out a life of
dignity against all odds.
CHAPTER
13:
Overseas
Employment from the Philippines: The Nexus between Development and Governance
The
pace of Philippine labor out-migration is becoming more and more phenomenal and
complex. Since the 1900s, Filipinos have gone to work in numerous capacities
and in different countries throughout the world. In this chapter, the author
makes a distinction between temporary labor migration and other forms of
migration. Its focus is on the more recent and dominant form of labor migration
from the Philippines
The
lucrative nature of overseas employment led to the proliferation of private
recruitment agencies that facilitate the process of securing overseas job for
Filipinos. Migration is not only an effort but can also cause new social and
political issues to arise. Moreover, state authorities inevitably play a vital
role in enhancing and sustaining overseas employment from the country.
Throughout its experience with overseas employment, Philippine government
agencies have undertaken essentially a policy outlook that seeks to benefit, in
the main, from the contributions of migrant toward the achievement of
ostensibly national development goals.
CONCLUSION:
Basically
the essays the author included in this book pertain to the ideas in attaining a
national development. In which we have to address challenges as brought about
by the socio-economic inequalities and social injustices –in which it has a
direct effect among the marginalized sectors such as the Islamic Moros,
Indigenous Peoples, Middle Classes, Women, Overseas Workers, and also a direct
impact on the environment. On the other hand, as said on this book, we could
only addressed on these challenges through empowerment and democratization in
which we could attain people’s participation, human rights, clean elections, and
representation.
On a
personal basis, I could give a high rating on this book, not because it was
loaded with information that could empower me as a reader that there are some
certain challenges that we faced upon attaining the national development, but it
gives me clearer picture of what big implications brought about by these marginalized
sectors amongst us Filipinos. Another point that I would like to raise is that
the author style of unifying these essays through various theoretical
approaches made an easier understanding of the influence of politics in every
aspect be it religious, or even to the part of the marginalized sectors such as
the women, and indigenous people; second, political, socio-cultural, religious
and economic aspects in the Philippines are inseparable in a way that one
affects other aspects. Meaning, it is not only the economy that has to be
blamed on why we find it difficult to attain national development but there
other sides that has to be look upon, like the media, the church, the social
movements, and etc. Thus, it only implies that every different aspects of the
society work on attaining the national development.
I
would like to end my review by saying that it in a democratic society, it is
not always the government that should always be responsible on achieving
national development. It is the agenda of all Filipino people, whether inside
or outside the country.
